Vol. 3, No. 3 (Winter 1995/96)
Papers / Articles
- In Search of Niches: Saying "Yes" and Saying "No" in Canada's International Relations
Andrew Cooper - Creating a Canadian Foreign Intelligence Service
Alistair S. Hensler - A Case of Misplaced Focus? Reforming the UN's Security Council
Peter J. Stoett - Towards a Balanced Approach to Rebuilding War-Torn Societies
Kenneth D. Bush - Les subventions et les droits compensateurs: de nécessaires améliorations aux dispositions de L'Alena
Gilbert Gagné
Commentary / Commentaires
- Trade, Investment and Human Rights
Paul Knox - Canadian Diplomacy as Advocacy: The Case of Chile and the NAFTA
Glen Bailey - Relations Between the European Union and Canada in a Translatlantic Context
Leon Brittan
Book Reviews / Critiques de livres
- the Politics of Water
D. Brooks and O. Mehmet - Loose Russian Nuclear Weapons
R. Purver - US Foreign Policy
E. Wang - Democracy and Foreign Policy
S. Lee
Letters
- Foreign Policy Reporting
D. Todd - Protecting Canada's Fisheries
M. Rowe
In Search of Niches: Saying "Yes" and Saying "No" in Canada's International Relations
Andrew Cooper
For Canadian diplomacy to retain its credibility and effectiveness, some hard choices will have to be made. On the basis of this logic, Canada has a great incentive to specialize. The core theme of this article is that Canadian diplomacy should concentrate on specific niches. This approach may well be a politically sensitive in the sense that it limits or disciplines Canada's international activity. Yet the targeting of Canadian diplomacy towards an efficient and equitable process of niche-selection has a number of solid rationales. Historically, it builds on the functional principle, which underpinned the constructive reputation of post-war Canadian diplomacy. In contemporary circumstances, niche-building allows Canada to direct attention to issue-areas where it can best make a difference. In some cases, this will mean Canada must clearly and openly say that it will not perform certain tasks. In other cases, however, this dynamic will enhance the forms of Canada's creative statecraft.
Creating a Canadian Foreign Intelligence Service
Alistair S. Hensler
Until the Second World War Canada did not collect foreign intelligence in any significant way. Even following the War Canada was never fully committed to the collection of foreign intelligence. Canada preferred to limit its role primarily to the relative non-controversial stand off activity of intercepting communications. For the most part Canada relies heavily on its allies for foreign intelligence despite the recognition that such reliance may undermine our sovereignty and economic security. In this article, Hensler argues that Canada cannot expect a continuation of the generous intelligence-sharing of the past. The Chretien Government with its export-led growth strategy, cannot depend on Canada's allies for economic or commercial intelligence. The solution, as argued in this article, is for Canada to establish a foreign intelligence service.
A Case of Misplaced Focus? Reforming the UN's Security Council
Peter J. Stoett
One of the more sustained calls for United Nations (UN) reform is for changing the structure of the Security council, currently composed of 10 non-permanent, rotating members and five permanent members (China, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Russia). This article explores several perspectives on possible Security Council reforms, including what we term the Great Power Model, the Regional Model, and the Functional-Incentive Model. The article argues that all of these models present far more problems than they solve, and that the United Nations has much to offer despite a necessarily flawed Security Council.
Towards a Balanced Approach to Rebuilding War-Torn Societies
Kenneth D. Bush
This article examines the complex challenges facing Canada as it attempts to contribute to the political, economic and social reconstruction of countries emerging from intra- and inter-state conflict. In Canada there has been a tendency to focus myopically on the military and peacekeeping dimensions of international conflict management - to the neglect of the non-military actors and activities that contribute significantly to the peace process. The article argues that Canada risks contributing to the mili tarization of humanitarian and reconstruction efforts if it accepts uncritically the calls for a greater "civilianization of peacekeeping." Instead of approaching humanitarian intervention and the rebuilding of war-torn societies as a process in which civilians are incorporated into a military peacekeeping operation, the article argues the need to view it as a process of incorporating military actors into an essentially "civilian" operation.
Les subventions et les droits compensateurs: de nécessaires améliorations aux dispositions de L'ALENA
Gilbert Gagné
Les groupes spéciaux binationaux prévus à l'ALENA pour juger les différends relatifs aux droits compensateurs n'ont pas contré le harcèlement des exportations canadiennes par des intérèts américains. L'Accord du GATT sur les subventions ne diminue qu'en partie la nécessité de nouvelles règles au sein de l'ALENA touchant les subventions. Au lieu d'une entente de grande portée touchant les subventions, le Canada devrait à court terme proposer de limiter les subventions les plus préjudiciables à la concurrence et exiger des conditions plus strictes pour l'application des recours commerciaux américains. Les partenaires de l'ALENA devraient aussi à moyen terme établir un tribunal permanent chargé de juger les differends commerciaux ou à tout le moins parvenir à une prise de décision conjointe sur les préjudices attribués aux subventions. Enfin, les membres de l'ALENA devraient à plus ou moins long terme développer des principes de concurrence.
Binational panels under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to settle disputes over countervailing duties have not ended the harassment of Canadian exports by American interests. The GATT Subsidies Agreement has only partly reduced the need for new NAFTA rules dealing wiht subsidies. Instead of a far-reaching subsidies code, Canada should in the short term propose to limit subsidies most harmful to competition and require stricter conditions for the application of US trade remedies. NAFTA partners should also in the medium term establish a permanent tribunal to judge trade dispute or at least achieve joint decision-making on the injuries attributed to subsidies. Finally, NAFTA members should in the more or less long term develop common principles of competition.
Trade, Investment and Human Rights
Paul Knox
Lloyd Axworthy in his first substantial statement as Minister of Foreign Affairs signalled that human right should assume greater importance in Canadian policy making. This was to be expected from a minister identified with the liberal end of the Liberal spectrum. But, as Paul Knox argues, so far Axworthy has merely suggested a new emphasis; he has not outlined a new policy. As yet there is no commitment to support stronger human rights provisions in global or regional trade agreements. Knox suggests that if the minister wants to leave his stamp on this area of Canadian foreign policy, he will have to embark on specific initiatives that are well focused and well understood at home and abroad.
Canadian Diplomacy as Advocacy: The Case of Chile and the NAFTA
Glen Bailey
This article argues that in a world of instant information foreign ministries will have to be increasingly adept at mastering communications to achieve foreign policy objectives. Using Canada's efforts to encourage Chile to seek accession to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the author illustrates the changing world of diplomacy. He focuses on the efforts of the Canadian Embassy in Santiago to implement a new type of public dipomacy, namely, that of "advocacy."
Relations Between the European Union and Canada in a Transatlantic Context
Sir Leon Brittan
Canada has always been an important partner for Europe. Today, Canadian troops in Bosnia defend the same basic, common values they defended in the two World Wars. Political, economic, linguistic and cultural ties between Canada and Europe are strong. But, as Leon Brittan argues in this article, those links binding Canada to Europe cannot be taken for granted. In the modern world there are many competing claims for the attention of politicians, business leaders and the general public. Brittan concludes by suggesting that the transatlantic relationship still matters for security, political, economic and cultural reasons.
Book Reviews
D. Brooks, O. Mehmet, R. Purver,E. Wang and S. Lee
Protecting Canada's Fisheries
M. Rowe
Canada has always been an important partner for Europe. Today, Canadian troops in Bosnia defend the same basic, common values they defended in the two World Wars. Political, economic, linguistic and cultural ties between Canada and Europe are strong. But, as Leon Brittan argues in this article, those links binding Canada to Europe cannot be taken for granted. In the modern world there are many competing claims for the attention of politicians, business leaders and the general public. Brittan concludes by suggesting that the transatlantic relationship still matters for security, political, economic and cultural reasons.